Although the living space on Gunkanjima was also high rise and high density, it was fundamentally different from the living space in apartment houses on level ground in large mainland cities. It was not an additive assemblage of of parts, each of which were independent. It was gathered together from a single organically unified whole with 3 or 4 different aspects. The whole island was an essentially unified architectural complex no individual part of which could function as an independent entity.

1)It was intimately connected with the steep slopes and rocky cliffs of the island.

2)The buildings were all interconnected by a network of bridges at several levels.

3)Various spaces very different technically and in terms of form, and design, co-existed as time went by without a sense of incongruity. Additions, extensions and reconstructions were undertaken freely.

In these respects the Gunkanjima complex was superior to other housing projects. Of course, reinforced construction made it technically possible, however, we cannot discuss this matter further without considering land ownership, the system of management, the system of autonomous co-operation among the inhabitants and so on. Technical principles and elements used in various places to create this 3 dimensional complex include Japanese traditional platform construction (Kegai Zukuri), reinforced concrete platforms, piloti bridges, and cantilevers. In a conventional housing complex, relationships between neighboring families for the most part develop when they live on the same floor or share the same staircase. This narrow circle of acquaintance is widened by, for example, the formation of community councils of residents in each building. On Gunkanjima however, the network of routes formed by man-made reinforced concrete platforms and external stairs and bridges connected each building closely both with other buildings and with the ground, as a result of which the residents had little sense of the separateness of individual buildings. They could walk from one end of the island to the other crossing from building to building without ever descending to the ground. When it was raining, it was said that people could walk an area's where there were piloti without an umbrella and still avoid getting wet. Where they met the natural rock of the cliff face the Nikkyu flats were arranged so as to provide an area on all floors where residents were to assemble in case of fire. These areas were termed “evacuation areas” and were required under the Fire Service Act. (Tab 2-2) Residents living on the same floor even in different buildings could come and go easily and without hesitation. It was natural for people to use the route with the minimum number of ascents and descents on their way to work or school. As a result, in the semi-public space of the large open corridors in the Nikkyu Flats the residents considered themselves part of a community which extended horizontally from building to building rather than vertically up and down within the same building. Incidentally, there was a kindergarten which had 180 pupils on the 11th floor right at the top of building No. 65, which could be approached along the mountain side by ascending only about 3 floors.

This tendency for horizontal grouping was a characteristic of the living space on Gunkanjima which is not found on other housing projects. Horizontal grouping was not, however, entirely a product of physical convenience. The floor on which people lived was determined by their position in the company hierarchy, with company workers, miners, subcontracted workers and office workers all living in their appropriate occupational groups. For administrative reasons groups of workers were assigned to the upper floors, the middle floors or the lower floors. There is no doubt that the upper floors generally provided the most agreeable living conditions, being less adversely affected by salt spray, heavy seas and humidity, and enjoying better views, natural lighting and ventilation. It cannot be denied that a close connection existed between social relationships and the position and status of workers in the company and that this was a major reason for the existence of horizontal grouping. However, the majority of the inhabitants were ordinary miners and their families. Moreover with the emergence of the trade union which began just after the War, an era of more democratic management began in Showa 22 (1947) and a system was introduced in order to allow people to change their accommodation and to make the allocation of lodgings more equitable. The rules were revised 4 times in the following years, corresponding with increases and decreases in the population. After this system was established the old relationship between type of work, income, seniority and where people lived ceased to apply, at least among miners' families. Therefore the spatial composition of the buildings and the use of reinforced concrete platforms and bridges described above probably best accounts for the persistence of horizontal grouping during the 1960's when the population of the island was at its highest.